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A programme of archaeological fieldwork was undertaken in advance of construction work for a short stretch of dual carriageway on the A75 between Newton Stewart and Glenluce. The route comprises areas of improved pasture on drumlins and peat bog within the interdrumlin basins. Fieldwork included peat coring within these inter-drumlin basins. A bridge and other features on the disused Portpatrick & Castle Douglas Line were recorded during a standing building survey. Other areas of the route were investigated by trial trenches and a burnt mound was discovered. Later excavation revealed that, although neither a hearth nor a trough lay within the excavated area and the site was clearly horizontally truncated, in terms of location, plan morphology, constituent deposits and suggested date, it conformed to others in South-West Scotland and more widely. Two main phases of activity were identified with deposits of burnt stone being either preceded or succeeded by a series of posts, which may represent an early medieval fence line. A single flint flake was recovered. Radiocarbon dating suggests that the burnt mound was probably formed in the later first millennium AD.

This paper re-explores the relationship between the cults of Monenna and Ninian in the wake of the significant developments in the study of Ninian over the past two decades. It examines the overlap of their cults, with a focus on Stirling, Edinburgh and Galloway. It is argued that the Scottish journey of Monenna may indeed reflect the cult of a female saint in southern Scotland, rather than that of Ninian as has previously been suggested. Medieval and early modern writers were aware of a potential for confusion between the names. This may have led to the saints becoming associated with one another and, in some locations, resulted in the eventual replacement of an original cult with that of Ninian.

In 2012–2013 Alastair and Catriona Duncan recorded nineteen audio interviews with over-sixty residents or former residents of the parish of Kirkpatrick Fleming, Dumfries and Galloway, and with four groups: older people, 30-year-olds, new residents, pupils of Primary 6. Kirkpatrick (as the village of Kirkpatrick Fleming is commonly known) lies twelve miles south-east of Lockerbie and three miles north-west of Gretna and the English border. Individual interviews between an hour and three hours long, took the form of life histories. Questions were also asked about the respondents’ sense of local and national identity and about their speech. In the 1930s the village of Kirkpatrick had many shops and there was a vibrant community life based round the Victoria Hall and the church. Some housing conditions were very poor. School discipline was harsh. During the Second World War, the population was expanded by the presence of evacuees, Honduran woodcutters, Canadian air force personnel and prisoners of war. A strong community spirit persisted into the 1950s and 1960s, but communal activities — outings, dances, sports clubs, churchgoing and Sunday School attendance — began to decline. Larger farms have increased in size and modernized mainly into large-scale milk production. An influx of new residents has stabilized the population. Older residents and thirty-year-olds have a strong sense of belonging to Kirkpatrick and of being Scottish, but are unanimously against independence. Speech is the main marker of belonging but differences in speech are fading. All generations share three sites of memory: the school, the river Kirtle and the one remaining shop.

A short article describing the finding of a sock in a recess close to the chimney flue at Mull Cottage, Kirkmaiden. The sock was found to be stuffed with thistles and it is suggested that it may be of 18th century date and concealed to trap spitits: it is

The first phase of the South-West Scotland Crannog Survey, the primary fieldwork for which was carried out in 1989, examined the assumption that submerged crannogs in the south-west were relatively stable while their counterparts on drained land were rapi